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Land Tax, Westmorland and
Cumberland
An equal LAND-TAX is by many warmly contended for.
The following Remarks from Nicolson and Burn's
History and Antiquities of Westmoreland and
Cumberland, lately published, will furnish their Opponents
with a new Argument.
'It is a vulgar mistake,' (say the writers of the History
and Antiquities of Westmoreland and Cumberland,) 'that the
former of these counties paid no subsidies during the
existence of the border service, as supposing it to be
exempted from such payment merely upon that account; for we
find all along such and such person (mentioned as)
collectors of these subsidies in this county granted both by
clergy and laity.
'The land-tax succeeded into the place of subsidies; being
not so properly a new tax, as an old tax by a new name.
'From the reign of Edward III. downward, certain sums and
proportions were fixed upon the several townships within
these respective counties, according whereunto the taxation
hath constantly been made.
'In process of time this valuation may be supposed to have
become unequal, especially since, by the increase of trade
and manufactures in some large towns, much wealth is
accumulated within a small compass, the tax upon which
division continuing the same: and hence a new valuation hath
often been suggested to render this tax more adequate, which
nevertheless from the nature of the thing must always be
fluctuating according to the increase or diminution of
property in different parts of the kingdom. But in reality
this notion proceeds upon a very narrow and partial
principle: an equal tax, according to what a man is worth,
is one thing; and an equal land-tax, all other taxes being
unequal, is quite another.
'Setting aside the populous manufacturing towns, let us take
the county of Westmoreland in general, in which there is no
such manufacturing town, Kendal only excepted; and we shall
find that this county, upon the whole, taking all the taxes
together, pays more to the government, in proportion to the
wealth of the inhabitants, than, perhaps, any other county
in the kingdom; and that is, by reason of its comparative
populousness.
'Suppose a township (which is a common case in Westmoreland)
worth 400l. a year: in this township there are about
40 messuages, and a family in each messuage; and, at the
proportion of five persons to a family, there are 200
inhabitants. These, by their labour and what they consume,
are worth to the public double and treble the value of the
land-tax in its highest estimation. These 40 messuages, at
3s. each, pay yearly 6l. house duty; and so
many of them perhaps have above 7 windows as will make up
6l. more. Now let us advance further south, and an
estate of 400 a-year is there frequently in one hand. There
is one family, perhaps of 15 or 30 persons; one house-duty
of 3s. some few shillings more for windows, and a
10th part of the consumption of things taxable; as salt,
soap, leather, candles, and abundance of other articles. Now
where is the equality! One man for 5 or 10 pounds a-year
pays as much house-duty as another for 400l. a-year.
In Westmoreland many persons (and the clergy almost in
general) dwell in houses that pay more house and window duty
than the house itself would let for: and in other respects
the public is as much benefited by three or four families
occupying 10 or 20l. a-year each, as in the other
case by one family occupying ten times as much.
'It hath been computed by political calculators, that every
person, one with another, is worth to the public 4l.
a-year. On that supposition, the inhabitants in one case are
estimated at 800l. in the other case at 80l.
so if we reduce the sum to half, or a quarter, or any other
sum, it will always come out the same that the one and the
other are of value to the public just in the proportion of
10 to 1.
'In short, populousness is the riches of a nation, not only
from the consumption of thinigs taxable, but from the supply
of hands to arts, manufactures, war, and commerce.
'A man who purchases an estate and lays it to his own,
making one farm of what was two before, deprives the public
of a proportionable share of every tax that depends upon the
number of houses and inhabitants.
'A man that gets a whole village or two into his possession
by this means, consisting of an hundred antient feudal
tenements, evades ninety-nine parts in an hundred of such
taxes, and throws the burden on others, who, by reason of
the smallness of their property, are proportionably less
able to bear it; for a man of an hundred pounds a year can
better spare twenty pounds, than a man of ten pounds a year
can spare forty shillings, for the one has eighty pounds
left, the other only eight pounds.
'This new argument against altering the established mode of
collecting the land-tax, added to that of the danger of
every innovation, how specious soever the pretence.'
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